David Harvey quotes:
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If Occupy Wall Street can see their way to more collaboration with the union movement, then there will be a great deal of political action possible.
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There's a difference between an outburst of spontaneous anger, which doesn't have a political objective, and a more measured response that we saw in the Occupy Wall Street movement.
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The invocation of social necessity should alert us. It contains the seeds for Marx's critique of political economy as well as for his dissection of capitalism .
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Barriers to accumulation are perpetually dissolving and re-forming around the issue of so-called natural scarcities and on occasion, as Marx might put it, these barriers can be transformed into absolute contradictions and crises.
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Skills that are monopolizable are anathema to capital .
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the net effect of increasing scale, centralization of capital, vertical integration and diversification within the corporate form of enterprise has been to replace the 'invisible hand' of the market by the 'visible hand' of the managers.
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Speculation in land may be necessary to capitalism, but speculative orgies periodically become a quagmire of destruction for capital itself.
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Perpetual revolutions in technology can mean the devaluation of fixed capital on an extensive scale.
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There are signs, these days, that the cultural hegemony of postmodernism is weakening in the West. When even the developers tell an architect like Moshe Safdie that they are tired of it, then can philosophical thinking be far behind?
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The geographical movement of money and commodities as capital is not the same as the movements of products and of precious metals. Capital is, after all, money used in a certain way, and is by no means identical with all money uses.
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But planned obsolescence is possible only if the rate of technological change is contained.
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The net worth of the 358 richest people in the world was then found to be 'equal to the combined income of the poorest 45 per cent of the worlds population - 2.3 billion people.
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The accumulation of capital and misery go hand in hand, concentrated in space.
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Capitalists behave like capitalists wherever they are. They pursue the expansion of value through exploitation without regard to the social consequences.
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Rampant inflation is just as hard to live with as the devaluation of commodities.
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The only solution to the contradictions of capitalism entails the abolition of wage labour.
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Technological change can become 'fetishized' as a 'thing in itself', as an exogenous guiding force in the history of capitalism.
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The accumulation of capital involves the the expansion of value over time.
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The right to the city is far more than the individual liberty to access urban resources: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city. It is, moreover, a common rather than an individual right since this transformation inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power to reshape the processes of urbanization. The freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights.
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The freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights.
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The right to the city is far more than the individual liberty to access urban resources: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city.
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Capitalism will never fall on its own. It will have to be pushed. The accumulation of capital will never cease. It will have to be stopped. The capitalist class will never willingly surrender its power. It will have to be dispossessed.
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Marx set out to resolve the contradictions and to correct the errors in classical political economy. In this he thought he had succeeded very well. Judging by the sound and the fury of the controversy surrounding his interpretations, he either succeeded too well or deluded himself to the success of his enterprise.
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Neoliberalization has not been very effective in revitalizing global capital accumulation, but it has succeeded remarkably well in restoring, or in some instances (as in Russia and China) creating, the power of an economic elite. The theoretical utopianism of neoliberal argument has, I conclude, primarily worked as a system of justification and legitimation for whatever needed to be done to achieve this goal.
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The equilibrium between supply and demand is achieved only through a reaction against the upsetting of the equilibrium.
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The common-sense notion that 'there is a time and a place for everything' gets carried into a set of prescriptions which replicate the social order by assigning social meanings to spaces and times.
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What sets imperialism of the capitalist sort apart from other conceptions of empire is that it is the capitalist logic that typically dominates, though ... there are times in which the territorial logic comes to the fore. But this then poses a crucial question: how can the territorial logics of power, which tend to be awkwardly fixed in space, respond to the open spatial dynamics of endless capital accumulation? And what does endless capital accumulation imply for the territorial logics of power?
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If, for example, a conspiratorially minded elite is so powerful, has at its fingertips such multiple and delicate instruments with which to fine-tune accumulation, then how can the periodic headlong slides into crisis be explained?
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All rent is based on the monopoly power of private owners of certain portions of the globe.
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not only must weapons be bought and paid for out of surpluses of capital and labour, but they must also be put to use. For this is the only means that capitalism has at its disposal to achieve the level of devaluation now required. The idea is dreadful in its implications. What better reason could there be to declare that it is time for capitalism to be gone, to give way to some saner mode of production?
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When money functions as measure of value it must truly represent the values it helps to circulate.
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Individual capitalists, in short, behave in such a way as to threaten the conditions that permit the reproduction of the capitalist class.
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Individual capitalists, in short, necessarily act in such a way as to de-stabilize capitalism.
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Money could not be converted into capital if wage labour did not exist.
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If all money capital invests in appropriation and none in actual production, than capitalism is not long for this world.
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Money must exist before it can be turned into capital.
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The onset of a crisis is usually triggered by a spectacular failure which shakes confidence in fictitious forms of capital.
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There is, in short, no 'spatial fix' that can contain the contradictions of capitalism in the long run.
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The capacity to transform itself from the inside makes capitalism a somewhat peculiar beast - chameleon-like, it perpetually changes it colour; snake-like, it periodically sheds its skin.
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Massive concentration of financial power, accompanied by the machinations of finance capital , can as easily de-stabilize as stabilize capitalism.
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Monetary relations have penetrated into every nook and cranny of the world and into almost every aspect of social, even private life.
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Capital creates space-time .
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The ultimate Form of devaluation is military confrontation and global war.
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Because the earth is not a product of labour it cannot have a value.
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The social relations of capitalism have penetrated slowly into all spheres of life to make wage labour the general condition of existence only in fairly recent times.